A Problem with the Leading Theory
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Notes
Greene et al’s Dual-Process Theory
Greene et al offer a dual-process theory of ethical cognition:
‘this theory associates controlled cognition with utilitarian (or consequentialist) moral judgment aimed at promoting the “greater good” (Mill, 1861/1998) while associating automatic emotional responses with competing deontological judgments that are naturally justified in terms of rights or duties (Kant, 1785/1959).’ (Greene, 2015, p. 203)
The theory was developed in part to explain otherwise apparently anomalous responses to moral dilemmas. In particular, people have substantially different attitudes to killing one person in order to save several others depending on whether the killing involves pressing a switch (as in the Switch dilemma) or whether it involves dropping someone through a trapdoor into the path of great danger (as in the Footbridge dilemma).[1]
What is the explanation Greene et al’s theory offers?
‘this pattern of judgment [Switch—yes; Footbridge—no] reflects the outputs of distinct and (in some cases) competing neural systems [...] The more “personal” harmful action in the footbridge case, pushing the man off the footbridge, triggers a relatively strong negative emotional response, whereas the relatively impersonal harmful action in the switch case does not.’ (Greene, 2015, p. 203—4)
Mixed Behavioural Evidence for This Theory
One prediction of the theory is that increasing time pressure should increase the influence of automatic emotional processes relative to the influence of controlled cognition, which in turn should make responses that are characteristically deontological more likely.
This prediction is supported by (Suter & Hertwig, 2011), among others.[2] But Bago & De Neys (2019) consider what happens when subjects first make a moral judgement under time pressure and extraneous cognitive load and then, just after, make another moral judgement (in answer to the same question) with no time pressure and no extraneous cognitive load. They report:
‘Our critical finding is that although there were some instances in which deliberate correction occurred, these were the exception rather than the rule. Across the studies, results consistently showed that in the vast majority of cases in which people opt for a [consequentialist] response after deliberation, the [consequentialist] response is already given in the initial phase’ (Bago & De Neys, 2019, p. 1794).
Rosas & Aguilar-Pardo (2020) find, conversely to what Greene et al’s theory predicts, that subjects are less likely to give characteristically deontological responses under extreme time pressure.
The converse finding of Rosas & Aguilar-Pardo (2020) is not theoretically unmotivated—there are also some theoretical reasons for holding that automatic emotional processes should support characteristically utilitarian responses (Kurzban, DeScioli, & Fein, 2012).
As there is a substantial body of neuropsychological evidence in favour of Greene et al’s theory (reviewed in Greene, 2014), its defenders may be little moved by the mixed behavioural evidence. But there is a reason, not decisive but substantial, to expect mixed evidence more generally ...
Suggestion
While we have not seen decisive evidence against it, we have seen enough to motivate seeking alternatives.
Glossary
References
Endnotes
See Greene (2015, p. 203): ‘We developed this theory in response to a long-standing philosophical puzzle ... Why do people typically say “yes” to hitting the switch, but “no” to pushing?’ ↩︎
See also Trémolière & Bonnefon (2014) and Conway & Gawronski (2013) (who manipulated cognitive load). ↩︎